{"id":1597,"date":"2024-09-27T06:10:30","date_gmt":"2024-09-27T06:10:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/eafricaninstitute.org\/?p=1597"},"modified":"2024-09-28T05:08:00","modified_gmt":"2024-09-28T05:08:00","slug":"understanding-the-gulf-states-foreign-policy-in-somalia-present-and-future-implications","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/eafricaninstitute.org\/index.php\/2024\/09\/27\/understanding-the-gulf-states-foreign-policy-in-somalia-present-and-future-implications\/","title":{"rendered":"Understanding the Gulf States\u2019 Foreign Policy in Somalia: Present and Future Implications"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

During Somalia\u2019s civil war, the Gulf states primarily played a humanitarian role by helping the poor people, building schools and universities and financially supporting teachers, rather than prioritizing the state and peace building.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2013, the United States of America formally recognized Somalia for the first time, following two decades marked by a brutal civil war, state collapse, and terrorist incidents since the collapse of the Somalia government in 1991. Additionally, Turkey’s humanitarian intervention in Somalia began in 2011, along with played a role in the state-building process by establishing Somalia’s special forces known as Gorgor.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Somalia and the Arab Peninsula have had long religious, cultural, political, and trade ties for centuries. Additionally, Somalia is a constituent of the Arab League. The Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), two rich oil and rival countries, have bolstered their clout in Somalia by providing financial support to the electoral campaigns of Somali parliament and presidential candidates, with the aim of influencing over Somalia’s political decision-makers. Consequently, the Somalia election became a legitimate and typical instance of clientelism and vote-buying in both legislative and presidential elections.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Somalia’s strategic position in terms of its maritime, geopolitical, and geographical location has strengthened the involvement of Gulf states in Somali politics. The influence of Gulf states has further intensified during the Gulf crises, particularly in Bahrain, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates (UAE) severed diplomatic relations with Qatar, and imposed a prohibition on the use of their airspace. However, Qatar has turned to utilizing Somalia’s airspace.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has become increasingly influential in Somalia in recent years. This influence is manifested through various means, such as securing port contracts, providing training and establishing special forces, entering into military base agreements, and forming political alliances with both the federal government of Somalia and federal member states like Puntland and Jubaland. Additionally, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) maintains friendly ties with Somaliland, a region that declared independence from Somalia in 1991 but has not received international recognition. These actions have a negative impact on Somalia’s unity, sovereignty, and democratic process, and contribute to the ongoing domestic conflict in the country.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This article examines the foreign policies of Gulf states, particularly Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), in relation to Somalia. It explores the potential impact of these policies on Somalia’s democratic process and territorial integrity, considering that all Gulf countries are autocratic monarchies.  The study utilized an extensive literature research methodology, which involves reviewing existing literature and gathering up-to-date data from available sources to analyze this research issue.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Key words:<\/em><\/strong> Gulf States, Foreign Policy, Somalia, Future Implication<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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